EU nationals wanting to stay in Britain after Brexit can start applying from today.
So the first way of Brexit execution is visible as Home office trials begins and approached some citizen from liverpool and some from north west of England to submit their applications as they are living for more than 5 years in UK, after submission of forms they will undergo scrutiny and prudently allotted status of “Settled Status” to stay in UK. Every EU citizen living in UK for 5 or more years and has home would be asked to apply and avail this status and shun any thing odd.
However all those EU citizens living in UK for less than 5 years will have to wait for the remaining time and once they complete they could also submit their application in order to avail the “Settled Status”, its not yet decided the how the time difference would be catered.
Applications will cost £65 for adults and £32.50 for children under the age of 16.
Applicants will be asked to prove their identity, declare any criminal convictions and upload a facial photograph
The first EU nationals wishing to apply to stay in the UK after Brexit are submitting their paperwork as part of a Home Office trial.
“Settled status” will allow non-British Europeans who have been living in the UK for at least five years to secure their right to stay in the country.
NHS workers in the north-west of England and students and staff from three Liverpool universities are among those invited to apply early for a “managed live trial” of the process, which the Home Office says should involve up to 4,000 people to iron out any kinks before a phased roll-out by the end of the year.
Since the UK voted to leave the EU on 23 June 2016, EU citizens who have made their homes in Britain have been securing their status by applying for “permanent residency” cards – an expensive and arduous bureaucratic process that was never designed to cater for them.
The inundation of applications led to a backlog at the Home Office and prompted Theresa May to unveil plans for the new “settled status” system.
Under the EU Settlement Scheme, EU citizens and family members who have been in the UK for five years by the end of 2020 will be able to apply for settled status, meaning they are free to go on living and working in the UK indefinitely.
People’s Vote march – demanding vote on final Brexit deal
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People’s Vote march – demanding vote on final Brexit deal
A young protestor shouts as she takes part in the People’s Vote demonstration against Brexit
A protester’s pro-EU t-shirt
Gina Miller and Caroline Lucas
Tens of thousands of people march through London
Demonstrators at the People’s Vote March
‘Two months too young to decide on my future’
A young girl joins in the march
An EU flag is draped across the statue of Winston Chruchill in Parliament Square
Vince Cable MP, Pro-EU campaigner Gina Miller, Tony Robinson and Caroline Lucas MP join with crowds
Crowds gather on Pall Mall
A man resembling Britain’s Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson, joins EU supporters
People gather in Trafalgar Square
Pro-EU campaigner Gina Miller and Tony Robinson
EU supporters, calling on the government to give Britons a vote on the final Brexit deal, participate in the ‘People’s Vote’ march
The Home Office will check employment and benefits data to confirm proof of residence, while all applications will be run through UK criminality and security databases. Previously, EU applicants for permanent residency had to provide dossiers of documents proving where they were, and what they were doing, for the whole of their five years in the UK.
Those who have arrived by December 31 2020, but do not have five years’ residence, can apply for “pre-settled status” in a similar process, and then have their status upgraded free of charge to “settled” once they reach the five-year threshold.
The Home Office says it wants to make the process “as quick and user-friendly as possible”, and that the full scheme will be in place by 30 March 2019. It also reminds EU citizens that their rights will not change until the end of the Brexit transition period in 2021 and so they don’t need to apply straight away – presumably to avoid another inundation of paperwork.
#Migrants #UK #Brexit #France
It has been a tournament of extreme surprise and astonishment, So many upsets so many shocks. underdogs were doing amazing job till France and Belgium semi final that gave a marginal success to France over Belgium.
Losing manager Roberto Martinez discusses the fine margins that separated the two sides post-match:
“I think unfortunately for us the difference is a dead ball situation. The game was very close, very tight and it was going to be decided by the one that could get the final touch in front of the goal.
“We need to be understanding that one team wins and the other one loses but if you are going to lose it should be how we did it the players gave everything.
“Now we need to almost get rid of this disappointment, we have one game left and we need to finish on a high, the players don’t deserve to go out without that high. We wanted to get into the final and the players showed an incredible togetherness
Rodrigo seems like many of the bright young men of Silicon Valley. He graduated from one of the best universities in the world, and at 36, he now works for a tech startup. In his free time, he likes earnest chats – one of his favorite topics is how to improve urban infrastructure.
But Rodrigo’s story is unusual in a way that offers some perspective on class mobility in America versus that of the UK.
Rodrigo is Welsh and grew up on the dole, living in a council flat (the UK’s equivalent to social housing). He, his siblings and his single mother dwelled on the edge of a mining community that has been in economic decline since the 1980s. Rodrigo excelled in school, though, so he ultimately left his town and his neighborhood, which people “made jokes about”, and where his family “didn’t have a car, rode the bus a lot”.
He attended Oxford University with grants, which he thinks was “super lucky”. His mother initially worried about her son going the Oxbridge route, wondering if he would be able to make that cultural transition or thrive there. In the end, he found the university to be a supportive place, despite the “pockets that conform to stereotypes” about public school boys (we call them private school in the US).
In England, Rodrigo was initially somewhat ashamed of his origins, “trying to pass as much as I could”. This is no longer the case.
I sought Rodrigo out because I wanted to see how the cliches around American and British class identity play out on a person’s life today. In both countries, people may feel uncomfortable talking about their class position publicly – which was part of why Rodrigo asked me not to use his last name.
A hackneyed storyline is that we in the US have a covert class system: we supposedly measure people on merit, but we actually measure people on their skills, credentials, college educations and earning power. Meanwhile, the UK has an overt one: everyone knows who is a toff and who is a yob, and British people’s ears are supersonic when it comes to accents, and class markers are carefully noticed: the wine a person drinks, how they cut their food.
America is supposed to have greater social mobility. In the UK, everyone ostensibly has a rung but they are also trapped in that position.
Nowadays, these once-clear binaries are muddled. By some measures, America’s class mobility has foundered in recent decades. According to a 2015 Pew study, only 64% of Americans now believe that opportunities for mobility are broadly accessed, the lowest rate in around three decades.
Numbers bear out this pessimism. As economist Raj Chetty explained in a 2016 lecture at the London School of Economics, the probability of a child born to parents in the bottom fifth of the incomes reaching the top fifth is 7.5% in America. In the UK, this number is 9%, according to research by economists Jo Blanden and Stephen Machin.
There is, in short, less mobility in the US, says Richard Reeves, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution as well as the author of the book Dream Hoarders. Reeves, who is British, describes “the big focus of his work” the comparison of the two countries’ attitudes towards and expressions of social class.
I myself am acutely aware that something has changed. I grew up in New York City and in London. In the local state school I attended in England, I saw and heard far more awareness of where a person stood in the social hierarchy than I had ever heard stateside. Some of my British classmates would say they wanted to do exactly what their fathers did; none of the kids I knew at school back in New York shared this sentiment. Thirty years later, many of the American kids I grew up with, despite their best efforts, have not reached the level of financial comfort of their parents.
That lack of mobility is something Eliot Bamford, a New Hampshire-dwelling Englishman and public school teacher, can see in his adopted home. Some of his fellow rural teachers are squeezed economically, he says – they drive Uber during the summer holidays, for instance – though he and his wife “squeak by”.
Bamford says that despite the fact that he encounters a great deal of poverty among the Special Education students he teaches – some of who live in trailer parks or come to school hungry – few discuss or label themselves in class terms.
Bamford, who left England 20 years ago, grew up living on the edge of a council estate in Nottingham. He says that the Americans he interacts with socially in New Hampshire are also less diverse economically than his range of friends in Britain, where he was the first in his family to go to college. In England, Bamford feels you are “up against different kinds of people more often, living in closer communities”. He also spoke of extreme inequality expressed openly and through physical adjacency – like affluent houses nextdoor to these trailer parks – that he never saw in England.
For Reeves, the biggest shocker has been that in America, people convince themselves that the system is meritocratic “and thus they don’t feel any shame about broadcasting the internships they got through nepotism, or that they got into colleges as legacies, or that they paid for private SAT prep for their kids”.
Reeves argues there is a cognitive dissonance at play. In one captivating and acrid riff, he describes parents who “may be Rachel-Maddow-all-in-no-toy-guns-in-the-house kind of people, but they send all three of their kids to pricey Georgetown Day School without any moral perturbation”.
“The UK, with all of it class consciousness, brings class guilt, which is a good thing. But the agonizing discussions over whether British liberal parents should send their children to public [private] schools doesn’t happen here. In the US, parents are aware of structural unfairness but with a total lack of moral queasiness.”
While the British middle class remains one of the smallest and poorest in Europe – according to the Pew Research Center, a middle-class family of four in the UK is one of the poorest in Europe, with a disposable income of between $29,000 and $87,300 – the share of adults living in middle-income households has increased in the UK, from 61% to 67% between 1991 and 2010, according to Pew Global in 2017.
This uptick is not true in the US. America’s middle-class share was a mere 59% in 2010 (with the caveat that middle-class people’s salaries in the US tend to be higher than in the UK).
Meanwhile, wealth inequality in the US today also resembles that before the Great Depression. Social networks matter greatly, and our class calibrations are often around what college one attended, leading to gruesome institutional divisions between those who attend, say, community colleges and those who attend top-tier universities. In England, despite the recent rise in student fees, university is far cheaper. The epidemic of student loans that has weighed down young Americans and older American alike simply doesn’t exist.
It was no accident that a saving grace for Rodrigo – who eventually moved to California and married an American – was the lack of copious student debt from his days at Oxford. And paradoxically, he feels that America’s attitude towards English people has given him a lift up when he moved to the US, as some Americans’ understanding of England is entirely derived from the aristocrats of imported television.
Few Americans would admit to this or, of course, talk about class at all. As Reeves says, “a bit of [British] class consciousness, on balance, would be better for the US”.
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Britain’s first ethnic minority Home Secretary today pledged “decency and fairness” for the Windrush generation migrants. Sajid Javid, the son of a Pakistan-born bus conductor, gave the promise after he replaced Amber Rudd in one of the toughest jobs in politics.
He was picked by Theresa May to defuse a crisis that was increasingly lapping at the door of No 10. Mr Javid, 48, whose Muslim parents came to Britain in 1961, said they would be “very proud”. But he added that his “most urgent task” would be to reassure Windrush migrants. His responsibilities include taking charge of the fight against Islamist terrorism as well as immigration policy.
The whirlwind reshuffle was triggered by Ms Rudd falling on her sword at 10pm last night after documents emerged that appeared to contradict her assurances that she had not been told about Whitehall targets for the removal of illegal migrants.
Mr Javid said his priorities would be the “heavy responsibility” of keeping the public safe, and to look “carefully” at immigration policy.
“The most urgent task I have is to help those British citizens that came from the Caribbean, the so-called Windrush generation, and make sure that they are treated with the decency and the fairness that they deserve,” he told Sky.
On his policing and security role, he said: “That’s a huge responsibility, something I take very seriously.”
England will face Spain and Croatia in the UEFA Nations League following Wednesday’s draw. The Three Lions are bidding to win the group and progress to the Final Four showpiece in the summer of 2019. Wales will play Denmark and the Republic of Ireland in League B while Northern Ireland takes on Bosnia and Herzegovina and Austria.
In League C, Scotland takes on Israel and Albania.
The tournament provides teams another route into Euro 2020 running alongside qualifying.
What’s the format and how will it work?
A total of 55 nations will be divided up into four mini-leagues (A, B, C, D). League allocation will be determined by each country’s UEFA ranking in November 2017. The leagues will be tiered with the highest ranking nations in League A, the next highest in League B and so on.
Each league will then be split into groups, made up of three or four teams. At the end of each round of fixtures, four teams will be relegated to the league below and four teams will be promoted to the league above. They will play at their new league level in the next version of the competition, which will start in 2020.
The winners from each of the four groups in League A will compete in the Final Four in the summer of 2019.